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Securing our Food

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By Chola Mukanga

Agriculture is not only one of the most important economic sectors in the country, but it is also the most politically sensitive. 70% of our people live in rural areas and largely practise farming or fishing. The other reason is that it is heavily connected to the issue of land which inevitably draws in traditional leaders and other players. It’s therefore comes as no surprise to many that we have an infinite array of ideas on what should be done to get our agriculture policy back on track. Which is fine but we need to remember that not every voice adds value. It's therefore important that we weigh the issues affecting this sector very carefully.

The latest to join the queue in offering opinion is the  Zambia Consumers Association (ZACA). They recently called for the transformation of the the Food Reserve Agency (FRA) from only a maize storage agency into a wider parastatal with a subsidiary milling company. ZACA Executive Director Muyunda Ililonga says there is need for the role of FRA to be revised so that it can compete with private millers in order to guarantee that consumers are not being exploited. ZACA believes that if FRA had a milling department millers would not take advantage of consumers by hiking mealie meal prices, thereby making the staple food affordable to the average Zambian.

ZACA's position is a logical extension of the current FRA model which has increasingly focused on guaranteeing low maize prices to consumers. Recently President Michael Sata asked millers to reduce prices. At present we effectively have price controls on maize. ZACA is simply pointing out that the way to guarantee prices at a certain level is by Government doing everything itself. Government would buy maize from small farmers and would also sell mealie-meal to consumers. In short it would have milling company with outlets throughout the country, especially in rural areas, to undercut any alternative millers who would sell at a more expensive price. In theory, there's no reason (aside from ideological ones) why Government should not do this, provided there would be no taxpayer funded subsidies to FRA and the market remained open to others to undercut FRA if necessary.The problem is that currently FRA is heavily subsidised. There's no guarantee that the proposed milling company won't be equally inefficient. 

ZACA are right about one thing : the status quo is not working. We are subsiding agriculture to a tune of K2 trillion (old Kwacha) and getting little for it. The bigger problem everyone knows : there is lack of a comprehensive policy framework to guide proper functioning of agriculture marketing in Zambia. Lack of decisive and tough leadership has robbed the Zambian people of real solutions to our agriculture problems. To sort them out it requires political capital to be spent. It requires political leaders to accept that change cannot happen without producing winners and losers. It may also be possible that in taking forward that change the PF administration lose support from some quarters. But isn't that what leadership is about? Making tough choices! Sadly, politicians will keep the subsidies going and will even create this milling company because of a lack of courage to do what is right in the long term - 2016 is around the corner and my sense is that from here on - it is populism all the way. But one must live in hope. Miracles do still happen.

If miracles do happen, the question then is what sort of miracles do we need in our agriculture policy? The answer surely is that it won't come through ZACA's misguided proposal. Before one starts making the FRA bigger, surely the starting point is to ask what is wrong with the FRA? The idea behind the FRA is to guarantee food security whilst providing the right incentives for smallholder and large producers to emerge in the market. The Government's aim is to encourage a private sector led agriculture industry whilst ensuring that enough food is available in the country. ZACA's vision would introduce perverse incentives in the market. A government led agriculture industry has been done before and it has not worked.  Therefore the only game in town is how to ensure the FRA achieves its food security goal within a broader and coherent agricultural strategy that contributes towards poverty alleviation - and that is important, we don't just want food in our mouths, we want agriculture to be an engine of economic growth.

We can start with the following eight ideas that would help get our agriculture policy back on the right track.

Idea 1# - Reform the FRA to make it more directly focused on food security, rather than the current inefficient and costly practice of large significant purchases of maize on the market. It is also important that policy on FRA is made more certain. One of the biggest obstacle to more rapid growth in agriculture is the uncertainty on government’s policies on buying, importing and exporting many product, especially for maize and wheat. This has made it difficult for the private sector to undertake investment decisions.

Idea 2# - Encourage FRA to make maize purchases through Zambia Agricultural Commodity Exchange (ZAMACE) rather than directly with farmers to reduce price distortions. It will also develop the exchange market significantly.  Alongside the usual substantial gains that trade in commodities bring, ZAMACE offers the potential to contribute towards the development of fair, orderly, and efficient marketing systems, and; moves us towards more efficient and reliable supply chains, thereby helping smallholder Zambian farmers to produce more for the market. 

Idea 3# - Eliminate export restrictions. When the incentives are correct and you have a fully functioning FRA you have nothing to fear. More exports means more money in the pockets of rural dwellers to drive growth in other areas.

Idea 4# - Improve physical infrastructure especially road transport to improve access to markets is vital. Literature evidence supports the notion that "market access is a key determinant of smallholder income-diversification and growth, and, for peripheral regions, improvements in market access require investments in infrastructure". Link 8000 needs to be targeted at agriculture nodes. But it is a step in the right direction if properly managed and costs do not escalate. It is important that transport investment is not erratic but consistent - roads require maintenance.

Idea 5# - Improve access to credit for smallholder farmers. This requires tackling the issue of high defaults, lack of collateral. A government bank for farmers is not ideal, but supporting cooperatives and credit unions is not a bad idea. And yes, land reform would help. It is long overdue!

Idea 6# - Improving "market discovery" for small farmers. One of the key constraints facing many rural dwellers appear to be knowledge about market opportunities. There are many good opportunities for income creation in rural areas, but locals are just not aware of the opportunities or they struggle with discovering the profitable markets. There are many opportunities for expanding in different areas including Chilli, bees and mushrooms, to name a few. Although private organisations like are doing their bit to unlock the potential that exists, Government can play a more proactive role at the local level working with communities to identify their local assets and solving the coordination and "market discovery" failures that exist. Unlocking these opportunities would make our local areas engines of agriculture growth. We are seeing progress in this area with the local industries clusters idea. It must be delivered - not merely talked about!

Idea 7# - Better investment in education and research. We need to create better educational institutions that supports farmers. Statistics show that only 3% of graduates in the higher sectors study agriculture. This is both unsustainable and unacceptable. Further investment is needed to encourage more research and development. As well as main-streaming agriculture education, we can also look at decentralising research services to sub-provincial level so that local opportunities can be identified and exploited - in line with Idea 6#.

Idea 8# - Targeted subsidies to support mechanised farming, coupled with the on-going policy of farming blocks. The potential benefits of more mechanised farming should now be explored. Now is the time to look to the Brazilians and ask ourselves how they have been able to develop large farms. We have the land just as they do, why can't we put together the same programme in place? We have no money, but the little that exists must be poured into agriculture.

Undoubtedly, there are many more ideas, including policies to encourage greater crop diversification, as well as support the livestock industry. But the ideas above from a starting point for coherent agricultural framework that would help us move towards securing our food. Ultimately food security depends on robust and sustainable agriculture industry. We cannot have by Government doing everything from providing food inputs to milling to retail! Real sustainable agriculture policy is built on the realisation that for agriculture growth to translate into poverty reduction, the poorest have to be directly involved, not government doing the milling and supporting the entire industry through large and inefficient subsidies! Growth requires a fully functioning market with all the correct incentives for private sector led investment. It is not only sensible, but it is also fair to taxpayers. 

Chola Mukanga is an economist and founder of the Zambian Economist which provides independent economic perspectives on Zambia's progress towards meaningful development for her people

Copyright: Zambian Economist, 2013
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A New Vision for Zambia Railways (Clive Chirwa)

Investment Boom or Mirage?

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Zambia attracted US$10bn worth of investment pledges in 2012, the highest ever recorded pledges in a single year. The figure exceeds the $4bn investment pledges made in 2011. exceeding the targeted $4 billion. The mining sector had the largest share with 40% of the pledges. Manufacturing sector and energy also performed well in terms of attracting investment. Interestingly, the pledges only amounted to 31, 000 worth of employment pledges underlying the difficulty of foreign direct investment actually creating jobs.

Zambia Development Agency (ZDA) attributes the jump in investment pledges to " improved investment climate and stability in major macro-economic indicators". The ZDA explanation for the sudden jump is clearly poor. There's no difference in investment climate between 2011 and 2012. And what does "stability in major macro-economic indicators" have to do with a sudden jump? The most obvious explanation is that there were potential investors who may have kept the powder dry in 2011 waiting for the smooth transition in power after the elections before committing to go ahead. The reasons are therefore likely to political not economical.

This accords well with the literature on Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) which shows that the key drivers of FDI tends to be political stability, cheap and diverse labour and, most importantly, prevailing global economic forces. If we take the largest component mining, it is clearly booming in Zambia because the prices of commodities are high and will continue to be high for some time, aside from few fluctuations because of the long term global imbalance between demand and supply. Of equal importance is that the investors are confident of the political ambiance in the country. This is why all Zambians needs to encourage the government to abandon the old politics and encourage a new politics of tolerance. It is vital for foreign investment.

A final word of caution : the ZDA figures are pledges - not actual investment. Pledges do not equal actual investment. $10bn did not enter the economy in 2012! It was merely a promise that it will enter sometime in the future when such projects come on stream. More importantly, we know in the past that usually only about half of pledges actually ever materialise. However the larger the pledges the better, all things being equal! It would even be better if the pledges were more in labour intensive sectors not capital intensive ones like mining. That would help reduce unemployment.

Intellectual Poverty in Zambia

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By Chola Mukanga

Real poverty is intellectual. Poverty is not an absence of resources or money; rather, it results from an absence of knowledge. History has shown that empires that have dominated for some time have usually gone into decline or failed to tap into potential for lack of generation of new ideas. Economic historians have for some time been puzzled on why Portugal, so prosperous in the 15th century began to decline from thereafter. A lot of reasons can be put forward, but one common and unmistakable reason was the decline in the trade of ideas. In Francis Parry's 1670 observations, "the people are so little curious that no man knows more than what is merely necessary for him". A view echoed by the 18th Century visitor to Portugal, Mary Brearley, "the bulk of the people were disinclined to independence of thought and, in all but few instances, too much averse for intellectual activity to question what they have learned". China a maritime power prior to the 1500s, pretty much failed to take advantage of its dominance and spark an industrial revolution because it began to look inward and was not open to new ideas.

Ideas and new ways of thinking are critical for Zambia to develop. In my view we need as much ideas generation as possible. The pursuit of knowledge and new ways of thinking must drive a modern Zambian state.

Despite gaining independence nearly five decades ago, Zambia lacks a distinctly Zambian philosophy of development. There’s a poverty of what development means to Zambia which has reinforced itself with the erosion of cultural values and absence of a people driven constitutional framework. There’s no agreed national dialogue on what development means to our people or the need to understand the form of education that would help move our people towards that goal. There has been no discussion on what politicians ought to aim for in terms of the nature of local and national development. Economic growth has been discussed, but not development! Unfortunately failure to address that has meant that we have not addressed the second most important issue - the mechanisms and structures that our people need to deliver that development.

There’s a clear absence of credible thinkers in Zambia. No development or economic renewal has ever occurred without home grown thinkers. Zambia is lagging behind because the classrooms are lagging behind! Children are not pushing the frontiers of knowledge. We have seen that where knowledge thrives, unique developments emerge. The person who started micro credit schemes that continue to empower women around the world was Mohammed Yunus from Bangladesh. Yunus saw a problem for his people and realised that giving small loans to very poor people on credit could make a difference. Contrary to conventional wisdom at the time he realised that poor people had an untapped demand for credit and that traditional local culture ensured that they would pay back because of social stigma. Today Grameen Bank is legendary. Yunus saw something unique about his culture and invented a solution consistent with it that has reaped benefits to others beyond Bangladesh. Zambia too, if her children can agree on a Zambian philosophy of development, provide the right institutions to support that development and ensure a Zambian centred education, it would most certainly come up with unique solutions to improve her plight.

An intellectually thriving society delivers genuine freedom. The idea that you can enjoy political and economic prosperity without genuine intellectual prosperity is an illusion. Genuine prosperity emerges from intellectual freedom. The reason for this is that 'political power' is derived from being able to determine your own choices and living according to how you want. To do that requires a national ability to determine is own direction in conformity with the direction of the people. It requires the generation of new ideas and then translating those ideas into purposeful action. Clearly if your policies are all imported from abroad and then all the donors and multinationals proceed to put food on your plate, all your development enterprise is foreign owned and managed.

The pan-African writings of the past and present also continue to show us that the source of ideas is critical - although Zambia has plenty of ideas much of the ideas that drive government policy are imported from abroad with no originality. Very few policies are genuinely developed by Zambians. Most of the reforms are drafted by World Bank, EU and IMF officials who then pass them onto Zambian policy makers. Much of the economic policy is generated that way. It drives one to tears that we have legislation which many of our people hardly read but has been drafted for MPs by people "parachuted" into Zambia by foreign governments / NGOs to "help Zambians think through issues". Nothing wrong with learning from others (especially country successes). But the way things are done currently borders of intellectual colonialism.

Intellectual drive is important in development because true development is knowledge transformation. Ha-Joon Chang has argued in recent times that the current approach to "development" pioneered by the UN, World Bank and the western donor community is unable to promote development, and is probably anti-developmental, because it ignores a critical component of development - transformational of productive capacities. Chang argues “that it is not what one has but how one has got it that determines whether a country is developed or not”. In short, there's no short cut to development. The "process" of how one gets there is important.

This naturally calls for a pro-active involvement by the State in channelling the energies of private actors to foster the transformational exercise. Markets alone won’t get you there. What little developmentalism that there is in the currently dominant vision of development is ersatz developmentalism – the belief that, if you give them foreign education and make them healthier and give them security of property rights, rational self-seeking individuals will exercise their natural tendency to ‘truck and barter’ and somehow create a prosperous economy. However, this vision is fundamentally at odds with the reality of development. In Chang’s language “development requires a lot of collective and systematic efforts at acquiring and accumulating better productive knowledge through the construction of better organizations, the cross-fertilization of ideas within it, and the channeling of individual entrepreneurial energy into collective entrepreneurship”. In short true development brings a renewal of new ideas.

The question to my fellow Zambian is simple : when will this renewal start? And are you willing to lead it?

Chola Mukanga is an economist and founder of the Zambian Economist which provides independent economic perspectives on Zambia's progress towards meaningful development for her people

Copyright: Zambian Economist, 2013

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Mine Watch (First Quantum Minerals)

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First Quantum Minerals Limited (FQM) will this year start constructing a US$230m (KR1.22bn) power line from Lusaka to Solwezi for its latest mine, Sentinel at Kalumbila. The 330 kilovolts transmission line would cover a distance of about 400 kilometres. The power line would tap power from the Tata / ZESCO owned 120 megawatts Itezhi-tezhi hydro-power station currently under construction. FQM is negotiating with ZESCO to agree construction arrangements.

FQM is investing more than $2 billion in Sentinel Mine which will be Africa's biggest copper mine with a capacity to produce more than 500, 000 tonnes of copper concentrates per year. The mine will be fully operational in the later part of 2014. It says the $250m investment in the power will be easily recovered under five years.

The investment will effectively make Sentinel and Kulumbila self sufficient. Good for them, they won't have to worry about the hapless ZESCO. It's a fascinating arrangement because ZESCO will more or less be contracted to do the grid but ownership of transmission will rest with FQM. Perhaps liberalisation is happening!

The Itezhi-tezhi power project involves the development, construction, operation, and maintenance of a 120 MW base-load hydro power plant at the Itezhi-tezhi dam on the Kafue River. The project is being developed under a 25-year concession by ITPC, a special purpose joint venture formed in 2007 to construct, own and manage the project. ITPC is owned 50% by ZESCO and 50% by Tata Africa Holdings Ltd. (TAHL), which signed a memorandum of understanding in 2006 to develop the project. At the end of the concession period, the power station will revert to the GRZ. All ITPC power will be sold to ZESCO under a long term take-or-pay Power Purchase Agreement (PPA). ZESCO will buy power from ITPC and transmit it through the new transmission line to the national grid. As will FQM if they build the transmission line.

Fixing bye-elections

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Two more bye-elections are coming - and many more to come! The Supreme Court last week nullified the election of two MMD MPs for electoral malpractice. 

Kapiri Mposhi MP Lawrence Zimba had won the High Court case but his opponent appealed to the Supreme Court, resulting in the removal of the MP. Judge Gregory Phiri said the High Court misdirected itself when it held that there were no electoral malpractices. Mr Zimba was present when Thandiwe Banda was distributing money to groups of women and was also actively involved in the distribution of money. More importantly the Judge said that it is was not necessary to establish that the majority of voters were not prevented from voting for a candidate of their choice. Simply preventing a few voters is electoral malpractice resulting in nullification. Lukulu West MP Misheck Mutelo had appealed to the Supreme Court after his election was nullified by the High Court last year. Supreme Court judge Elizabeth Muyovwe upheld the High Court’s decision to nullify the election on grounds of electoral malpractices.

These are great judgements which uphold the rule of law. There are many more bye-elections coming once the Supreme Court finishes off the appeals. More losses for MMD are coming. The MMD has only itself to blame for its brazen corruption and the impunity it treated the electoral code. Justice is now being done. And so it should be - for it is clear to many who observed the 2011 elections that they were NOT free or fair. The international bodies once who passed them as such, now hide in quietly in shame.

But we have a bigger problem : Mr Mutelo and Mr Zimba have for the last year been eating money that they should not eat. They have received gratuities and allowances at huge cost to taxpayers even though they got there through electoral malpractice. There's something wrong here. The verdicts do not deliver full justice to the Zambian people. A better outcome would be for Mr Mutelo and Mr Zimba to pay back the money to the Zambian people. More importantly there must be compensation to the other candidates too. They lost out on application fees, campaign money, etc. All due to the electoral corruption of these two people. Now those candidates have to pay again to re-contest the seats. That is not fair. We the people also lose by funding yet more bye-elections. This is not acceptable. We are losing out by letting politicians get away with this!

What is the solution? Simple: we need to change the incentives. If an MP has lost a seat through electoral malpractice, they must be made to pay back the money to tax payers and be asked to compensate. I submit that this will fix the problem. The MPs are currently not paying the full external cost of their electoral corruption. If we made the pay, they will stop being corrupt. Fix the incentive, fix the problem. MPs wont go for this solution. We the people must demand it.

Is Cassava the answer?

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Helen Zulu writes in the Times of Zambia that escalating mealie meal prices may be solved by increasing cassava production as a substitute for maize. It could help to stabilise the escalating mealie meal prizes as cassava has many advantages when compared with maize both from the agronomic perspective as well as its multiple economic uses. It is also relatively more drought tolerant than maize.

Cassava production has actually been growing rapidly since the early 1990s, as farmers have sought to diversify their food staple production out of maize and into cassava. The removal of heavy subsidies for maize production and marketing coupled with the government withdrawal of a guaranteed maize market, from the early 1990s onward, reduced incentives to grow maize, leading farmers to look for other more profitable crops. At the same time new varieties have come on stream with wider market appeal. Despite the progress, cassava remains extremely under-commercialised, and there are fears that unless the commercial market can be developed further it will all come to a stop.

According to FSRP research, a key constraint in commercialising cassava is the price. As a general rule of thumb, cassava substitution for maize becomes commercially attractive where the price of dried cassava lies about 60% to 70% of the price of maize in Zambia. A low cassava price, in turn, requires high on-farm productivity, low marketing costs and close proximity to processing facilities.

So as well as the need to accelerate expansion of improved cassava varieties and agronomic practices, we must tackle the proximity problem. Cassava price is normally higher than maize price because of the long distances cassava must transit from cassava producing areas (Luapula, Northern and North Western) to the feed and food industries in Copperbelt, Central and Lusaka provinces. Given the high cost of transport in Zambia, it seems that increased cassava production on the Copperbelt, Central and Lusaka provinces offers the best likelihood of making low-cost cassava available to urban consumers. Alternatively we should focus on establishing processing facilities near current major production centres, and hope the economies of scale will lower the cost.

A combination of these initiatives will all contribute to improved incentives for cassava commercialization. Unfortunately, even these initiatives will not be enough as long as we keep subsidising maize heavily! Giving large subsidies on maize and talking about large booms in cassava is contradictory. Again we see the incoherence of current government thinking. Policy after policy it is the same story.

Investment Mirage?

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"As you may be aware, Zambia has a housing deficit of nearly 1.4 million units and the interest by our colleagues to invest in Southern Province and Choma in particular is most welcome... They have capacity to mobilise US$10 billion of investment in various projects in Southern Province..."
- Chileshe Mulenga 
(Southern Province Permanent Secretary)

A claim earlier this month by Mr Mulenga. Apparently some Indian investors are alleged to be interested in investing in Southern Province with around US$10 billion. They are interested in real estate, agriculture, mining, steel works and putting up a cement plant. We are told they have already engaged the Choma Municipal Council on the possibility of setting up a shopping mall in the new provincial capital of Southern Province.

One hopes this is a genuine case of 'from India with love'. But the story stirred memories of a famous Russian mirage. During the Banda administration Zambian newspapers went crazy with reports of three Russian metals companies who were allegedly going to invest $2 billion in Zambia. Later after some easy digging by bloggers, it was discovered that our Russian friends were used to making grand claims that never materialised. They were not even good enough to be called infestors, much more like impostors. One hopes Mr Mulenga has not fallen prey to an Indian mirage. Or worse he has lost his stability as public servant and is now just politicking to help sway bye-election results.

Is federalism the answer?

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Delegates at the recently ended Southern Province Constitutional Convention proposed that Zambia adopts a federal system of governance. They amended the Preamble to the first draft constitution, dropping the words “devolved system of governance” and replacing it with the words “federal system of governance”. The delegates believe the amendment will allow the local people to "manage their own resources in a more amicable manner".

This will be interesting because PF though Wynter Kabimba have already rejected the idea. The real issue with federalism is - of what sort? Zambia already has some element of federalism because at the basic level federal structures are any structures that exist at two distinct levels – the “central” and “local”, each within a well defined scope so that it enjoys autonomy with respect to that scope.

The BIG issue that needs national debate is the degree of federalism that is needed to support social and economic progress in Zambia. Ultimately this is a question about what society we want. The USA federal system is different from the Switzerland or Comoros or Nigeria or Australia. Each country must ask the question - What model of government suits us? Not all issues must be fully devolved. Indeed not all issues are currently devolved, even though we have elements of federalism. Some issues can only be efficiently or fairly handled at the central government level. We need to be clear what those are.

Then there's the question of thinking through some of the negatives. For example, there are huge dangers of large distributional and inequality problems. Under a federal system provinces will compete with one another. That is a good thing but competition of that kind is optimal where there’s perfect mobility of people and resources in general. If you find yourself in western province under a corrupt governor heavily influenced by regional politics, you will begin to envy other provinces. Deep structural inequalities due to resource endowments may create problems of instability, as we seen in Nigeria with huge inequalities in the north. Without accountability federal systems can create more problems than it solves.

In short it is not obvious the extent to which a proper debate has been had on this issue. A huge change towards deep federalism requires strong public debate. It would represent a deep structural change to how we govern ourselves. Government needs to facilitate discussion more widely - before we make up our minds.

Poverty and Power in Zambia

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By Chola Mukanga

Poverty is first and foremost a deficiency of power, in particular political power. The reason for this is that economic and political controls are interlinked. Where people have little political power they will also be economically poor. Where people are poor economically, they will also usually have little political power. In Zambia the poverty of power manifests itself nationally and individually.

Nationally, Zambia has very little power. Although the country gained “independence” long ago our future is still shaped by large external powerful forces. These hold ultimate power and dictate the affairs of the nation – they rule us from the dark shadows. It is easy to see the poverty in power across the donor table. It is easy to see it when we beg for investment. The large external forces that control Zambia’s power range from business interests; NGOs; foreign governments – and of course in recent times China has increased its influence in the affairs of our country. This poverty of power is not theoretical. It is directly linked to the poverty of individuals because collectively as a country we have placed ourselves in a situation where we rely on others to shape our future.

At the individual level, the power deficiency manifests itself in the imbalance of power between the rich and the poor. Although many of the people in leadership undoubtedly enjoy individual freedoms, they have done this at the expense of the poor. Our poorest members of society continue to suffer great social injustice. We see this injustice at many levels.

Despite its Christian heritage has more than two thirds of her people chained in poverty. Barely able to survive on a hard earned $2 a day. Every part of social infrastructure is broken (from hospitals to prisons). The voices of the weak continues to be suppressed. The young barely make it into old age thanks to the scourge of HIV and many other diseases ravaging our rural areas. The freedoms of the poor are continuously being eroded. Over the last two decades those in leadership have continued to persecute those who disagree with them. Where is a poor old woman going to run for justice, when the police forces only respond to bribes? Who will publicly dare report oppression when newspapers papers are used as mouth pieces to spread the propaganda of those in leadership?

This social injustice has been led by an elite of politicians that continue to hold onto power without sharing it with the poor. They can afford to ignore and abuse the poor politically because they know the poor have no money to fend for themselves. They thrive on the destitution of on people. How else do we explain why they reward themselves with large salaries, cars and expensive foreign trips? How else do we justify why government after government has been bloated? The list is endless.

Even the elections are run in such a way that the poor are kept in destitution. They know the poor need money for food, so they simply buy the votes. During campaigns they suddenly appear like Santa Claus, generous and loving. They not only mock the poor, they mock all our collective intelligence with their empty shallow promises to tackle poverty, if only the poor could vote for them. They promise an end to corruption, creation of jobs, lower taxes, a better return on our mineral wealth, and quality social services to all. But when the crunch comes they do not deliver!

When our politicians are challenged, they respond with phrases like “lack of patriotism”, “Zambians are lazy”, “you just criticise” and “it’s in the public interest”. Some of political master have even previously accused the poor of not engaging enough with important national affairs that could change their future. If only the poor tried harder! The deputy former chair of the financially wasteful National Constitution Conference Faustina Sinyangwe once complained, “Members of the public [in Lusaka] are…not interested in following the proceedings of the debates even when it is open to the public, imagine those in rural areas who cannot get to Lusaka. How do they push their views...?”. The answer surely is that the poor cannot sensibly be expected to attend such forum or waste time debating with Ms Sinyangwe and other politicians. They have no luxury to sit down for a whole day and "debate" like Ms Sinyangwe and her fellow parliamentarians who at the time were getting paid $350 a day just for talking and reading.

More importantly because the poor are unable to take part due to their poverty, the institutional framework that governs their affairs is also unable to reflect their interests. This is the fundamental problem with our current political system. It is a system of the rich for rich. The current constitution and the one being drafted will never provide necessary political institutions that will alter the balance of power from few rich urbanite folks who have held Zambia in a grip since independence towards the poor and the voiceless. The reason is that it is not drafted by the poor!

To many Zambians, the hard truth is that Zambia moved from a One Party State towards a multi-party system that has effectively remained a de-facto One Party state. Yes, Zambia's political system on paper is “multi-party" but the distribution of power within our nation remains very much a one party state. To make matters worse, we are still recycling the same leaders from the past that have often failed us. We have elite group of Zambians that continue to shape our destiny for better or for worse. A cartel of “anti-Zambian” interests continue to hold power and wilfully subjugate our people in poverty. They rotate power among themselves, award themselves large wealth, reward foreign backers, maintained by an aid system of richer countries, and continue to keep themselves in power. When one party loses power, the losers quickly switch sides and continue the eating!

When one listens attentively to Zambian politicians it is clear they do not speaking for the poor. In nearly every discussion there’s a tendency to treat poverty at the proximate level rather than at the fundamental level. They wilfully never ask why our people continue to wallow in poverty. They have chosen to ignore that our current poverty is located in historical and political forces, which has led to inherently unequal distribution of power within our society. The politicians are on one side and the silent majority is on the other side. This has led to rampart poverty levels. It also explains the the majority continues under destitution even when the majority prefers their suffering to end. This is why the constitution process has failed time and time again!

Our politicians like quoting figures in their speeches about the state of Zambia. They even sometimes bemoan that we have too much “poverty”. They define our poverty as an absence of being unable to meet basic needs (food, shelter) and live decently (accommodation, employment). They recognise the majority as poor people struggling to survive. People languishing in destitution in in Chibolya, Msisi and Masala and countless dilapidated shanty compounds. They may even admit, if pushed, that such poverty is morally unacceptable. What none of them are willing to admit is that this poverty is only a proximate manifestation of a deeper poverty – the poverty of power.

The current crop of Zambian politicians are not willing to admit that our poverty is due to the power they wield over the majority. They are not willing to accept that the poor are firmly at the bottom of the food chain, while they dance at the top. In short, they have no honest or humility about the current situation. But as a people we should be under no doubt. Our poverty is a direct consequence of the rich and powerful in our society holding access to power and preventing the majority poor from having a voice. Our poverty is a direct consequence of the continuing forceful usurping of the free operation of the process of development of the productive capacity of the poor. This process has continued since independence and continues to afflict us today.

So how do we change this deplorable situation? There’s no clear answer to this, but I think two things are at least necessary.

First, we need to shift the debate from discussing poverty at superficial level (statistics) and start talking about the poverty of power. The silent majority must realise that we are poor because we have no real voice or power. So in our public debate we must take every opportunity to draw the links between financial poverty and power poverty. We should repeatedly highlight the political, social, moral, ideological, economic and cultural mechanisms are produce and reinforcing poverty and makes Zambia a country in which concentrated mass poverty exists side by side with a revolting concentration of wealth owned by a small minority.

Secondly, we need to push for a radical institutional shake-up of the systems that govern our country. The way we do that is by asking a simple question: If Zambia was governed in the interests of the poor, what would it look like? What institutions does it need? What sort of governance model should it have? What sort of constitution would deliver that? Unless the distribution of power in our country is altered considerable in favour of the poor and new incentives for better leaders to emerge in the future are in place, the nation will remain within its current political equilibrium that has perpetuated continuous under-development. What we need is something that will alter the balance of power and give the poor a greater say in the development of the nation - not just platitudes, but a real and fundamental shift in dynamics. That is our best hope for incentivising future governments to deliver policies that are more pro-poor and pro-growth in the long term. In that world, they would be no more corrupt politicians who have wasted billions of Kwacha to deliver legislative change that rewards the richer and more affluent Zambians.

We cannot deliver these two things without a serious deliberate effort by the poor, academics, youth organisations (they have a large stake in the future) and churches across the land. These groups who the key to forge a “coalition of the poor” that will bring about a new alignment. Such a “coalition of the poor” must focus on altering the balance of powers inherent in our laws and bring about a substantive renewal of institutions. Without such a coalition power will remain with the political elite and our people will continue to die in poverty.


Chola Mukanga is an economist and founder of the Zambian Economist which provides independent economic perspectives on Zambia's progress towards meaningful development for her people

Copyright: Zambian Economist, 2013
www.zambian-economist.com

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Death Penalty, 6th Edition

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The death penalty is here to stay. Delegates at nearly all provincial constitutional conferences have retained article 28 clause (3) of current draft constitution, which states that “A person may be deprived of life if that person has been convicted of a capital offence and sentenced to death”

The arguments advanced by the delegates for the death penalty seems to largely rest on its alleged "deterrent effect". Chifumu Banda MP says Zambia needs to maintain the death penalty because "some people would take advantage of the deletion and go on rampage killing people". He goes to suggest that,“people found guilty of murder by courts of law should be meted with capital punishment as a way of deterring other criminals that claim the lives of innocent people...".

Dora Siliya MP says we need to learn from other countries who are allegedly facing problems because of abolishing capital punishment. In her words, “other countries are now regretting because they abolished capital punishment and implemented life in prison because killings have now doubled and committing various atrocities.."

There are many credible reasons for having the death penalty. But the reasons being offered appears to be refuted in academic literature. One paper published in 2009 drawing on USA evidence concludes : "with state-level data from 1995 to 2006, this paper failed to find meaningful deterrent effect of death penalty...results show that even the state with most execution record does not have statistically meaningful lower homicide rate than no death penalty states...". One needs to be cautious about transferring results from different contexts but I think we can reasonably assume that Chifumu and Siliya are worryingly offering the wrong reasons.

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New Mining Taxes?

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Finance Minister Alexander Chikwanda recently signalled that Government is considering introducing new "tax measures" in mining :
"...We will introduce measures and relook at the tax system in the mining sector. Our mining sector has not contributed much compared to the rest of the region. So we want to engage local experts and ensure we have the statistics on mineral production and exports, and then we will find modalities to effect new tax measures to increase revenue collection..."
I commend Mr Chikwanda for his honesty that we are losing out. As well as his latest signal that change is on the way. Two additional observations on his statement.

First, the suggestion is interesting - but remains vague. What are these measures? We need details not merely promises of more study. It is not theoretical physics. These are straightforward issues. The obvious option is increasing revenue based taxes e.g windfall taxation or raising mineral royalties perhaps to 10%. Profit taxes do not work. Alternatively explore an infrastructure based tax that can be ring fenced to be spent in mining areas - that would be a win-win proposal for everyone. And it would ease pressure on mining companies for Corporate Social Responsibility projects. Which are mere bribes against citizens demanding higher taxes and better pay.

Secondly, any reforms must be done differently. I feel we are missing the basic point. The problem with our mining policies is that they are party political policies, not policies of the Zambian people. Mr Chikwanda must remember that to have good mining policies, it is not just about changing taxes or laws, it is how they are changed. Policies forced by PF without a Green Paper and public consultation will do nothing to build a lasting environment for growth because it will have no full buy-in of all Zambians. Lack of consultation and unilateralism is hurting our country in many areas.

We talk about "one Zambia, one nation", but in my view right now there's nothing "one nation", as far as mining taxation policy is concerned because successive governments have treated it as personal to order without people participation. As long as that continues every government that comes along will constantly alter its mining taxation policies because we people ownership. We need a Zambian solution, not a PF or NAREP or MMD solution. GRZ and investors have to realise it is in everyone's long term interests to push for transparency within a publicly agreed framework. Anything else is not sustainable. The approach should be consultative and transparent. Only that will deliver stability in mining policies and facilitate long term investment.

The next step therefore is for GRZ to set out a comprehensive national policy on mining. And consult with the people for a good period. Let us all comment and debate on it. And then let it be implemented after parliamentary scrutiny - and let it stand the test of time. Mining is too important to be left to the care of few individuals no matter how smart or well intentioned our politicians may be. It is a national issue.

Higher mining ownership?

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ZCCM-IH is pushing for higher dividends from its investments in Zambian subsidiaries of Vedanta Resources (Mopani) and Glencore International (Konkola), among others . The government owned investment arm also wants to negotiate increased stakes in local mines, though talks have to commence, according to the ZCCM-IH CEO, “Clearly, it is a matter that keeps coming up regarding the level of shareholding that we should have...It is something that we will have to deal with at some point.”

Government has maintained minority stakes ranging from 10 percent to 21 percent in some mining companies, which it holds through ZCCM-IH. It wants the companies in which it has shareholdings to alter their dividend policies to improve transparency and increase payouts. At present dividends are the last priority for some companies, which has led to little benefit to country.

The new ZCCM-IH policy will also focus on buying stakes of as much as 35 percent in new mining projects, such as Nava Bharat Pte Ltd.’s Maamba Collieries. It also wants to boost ownership of existing operations, though this will clearly depend on how well it will negotiate. Government has no intention of any compulsory acquisition, because that is going backward.

We have previously flagged up the new ZCCM-IH policy framework. Private investors who own about 12% in ZCCM have been cautiously optimistic of how the ZCCM-IH has now got back on track. The Ministry of Mines must be commended for the good work for getting ZCCM-IH back on track. It is quite clear there's also renewed momentum to do more. 

Tax Avoidance in Zambia

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ActionAid recently exposed tax avoidance by Associated British Food Group in Zambia. Full press release below.

ActionAid Press Release

A new investigation released today by ActionAid has revealed that the Associated British Foods group (ABF), owner of Silver Spoon sugar, Ryvita and Primark, is dodging its tax bill in Zambia, one of the world’s poorest countries.

The report, Sweet Nothings, which is the result of 12 months of research focusing on the multinational’s sugar operations in Zambia, has discovered that since 2007:

>>Zambia Sugar has generated profits of $123 million, but admits to paying “virtually no corporate tax” in Zambia.

>>It has found legal ways to siphon over US$83.7 million (US$13 million a year) – a third of pre-tax profits – out of Zambia into tax havens including Ireland, Mauritius and the Netherlands.

>>Zambian public services have lost an estimated US$27 million as a result of the company’s tax avoidance schemes and special tax breaks which is enough money to put 48,000 children in school.
The revenues lost to tax havens is 10 times bigger than the amount the UK gives Zambia in aid for education each year.

Chris Jordan, a tax specialist at ActionAid and co-author of the report, said:

“International corporate tax avoidance is like a cancer eating away at both rich and poor countries. As we’ve seen with Starbucks and Amazon, many multinationals are not paying their fair share of tax and this hurts ordinary people in the UK and in the developing world. Tax avoidance by Associated British Foods in Zambia is helping to keep people locked in hunger. We know that business can be a force for good in Africa, but this is massively undermined when a company doesn’t pay its fair share of tax.”

In Zambia 45% of children are malnourished and two thirds of the population live on less than $2 a day. Yet ordinary people pay their taxes. Shockingly, Caroline Muchanga, a market trader who lives next to the sugar plantation, has paid more corporation tax in some years than the giant company, while her children go to bed hungry at night.

Zambia is currently dependent on foreign aid and if this is ever going to end, it must first be able to raise the money needed to provide for its own citizens. George Sumatama, headmaster of Nakambala School in Mazabuka, where Zambia Sugar is based, told ActionAid: “Our school has no windows, doors or floors. Over a thousand children have to fit into just 12 classrooms, sitting in shifts and taught by 20 teachers. I think companies operating in Zambia should be paying more (tax) than they currently pay.”

Chris Jordan added: “This situation has got to change. Associated British Foods must pay its fair share of tax in Zambia. But this case also demonstrates that international tax rules are simply not fit for purpose. David Cameron must deliver on his commitment to secure a deal to stop rampant tax avoidance when he chairs the G8 this year. He has an amazing opportunity and he must seize it.”

ActionAid is part of the Enough Food For Everyone IF campaign which aims to tackle global hunger by calling on governments to close tax loopholes which enable corporates to avoid paying their fair share of tax.

>>Take action. Email the CEO of Associated British Foods.

>>Download the full report

>>Download the company response:

Regulating Higher Education

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By Chola Mukanga

Government has drafted the High Education Bill, which is intended to put in place a new regulatory for higher learning institutions in the country. Education Minister John Phiri says once enacted into law, higher learning institutions operating below the required standards will face the law. He believes that there are too many higher learning institutions that do not befit the title "higher learning".

The draft Bill is a direct fulfilment of the PF Manifesto, which promised to create a new independent regulatory body to register and enforce education standards in public and private universities. The PF initiative of course builds on what the MMD administration begun with introduction of a National Qualifications Framework in Education Bill 2011. Indeed it should be clear for the record that MMD also called for such a new Regulator in its manifesto. One hopes the proposed new Regulator will sort out our current higher education mess.

It cannot be denied our higher education is a total mess. The current constrained supply of public universities has led to poor quality higher education in general. The excess demand in higher education has led to the mushrooming of poor and unregulated alternatives to the two universities (CBU and UNZA). Desperate students who cannot get into these two universities and cannot go abroad to study (which is another problem if they never return) often find themselves paying extortionate amounts of money just to get into "B class" colleges offering "accredited" degrees from foreign universities carrying popular but meaningless brand names. Its not uncommon to hear of "accredited" institutions without credibility which are later shut down for misleading students. The sad thing of course is that often these students are from the poorest of backgrounds - who cannot corrupt their way into UNZA/CBU places or cannot afford to study abroad. Zambia's poor therefore suffer most from the capacity constraint and this does not bode well for the nation's quest to break intergenerational poverty.

Private provision is good, but currently it is operating in a largely unregulated educational market. If regulatory standards were high (and uncorrupted) then we would have a better chance of delivering an educational infrastructure that supports a growing economy. Instead what we have are cheap and low quality colleges which are not doing much to get the poorest members of our society to achieve the best returns from educational investment. Many students complain of rampant "leakages" and being taught by under qualified lecturers. This is the classic case in which the invisible hands needs some effective direction. A good start would be a clearly defined framework safe from corruption in which Government regulates some of these institutions better to ensure there’s a minimum level of good education being provided. If this is what Minister Phiri is proposing then it is very welcome indeed.

The other issue of course is pace. With the universities virtually full, better regulation of these new institutions must come with rapid roll out of the President's bold plan of establishing provincial universities. People need to be educated where they are and the university courses should reflect provincial priorities. Of course funding is a problem. Many doubt whether Government which struggles to maintain UNZA and CBU can possibly maintain 7 more universities – possibly not. However, the "lack of funds" argument does not really stack up because Zambia in previous years has been spending lower in education than other SADC members (as a share of GDP). If others can do it, we should too!

The other problem we need to deal with is one I have touched upon - corruption. I once did a stroll poll among readers on what they felt was the most corrupt ministry in Zambia. Ministry of Education came top just ahead of Home Affairs, elbowing Department of Health to 3rd place. This could just be perceptions, but there’s a view that whether you get to UNZA or CBU depends not on your ability always but on who you know and how much “side payments” you are willing to make. This undoubtedly does mean that these institutions are not necessarily getting the brightest minds. In a nation in which university capacity is severely constrained the last thing you want is a corrupt and inefficient system of allocating places! If the new Regulator can sort that problem out, it would be a leap forward!


Chola Mukanga is an economist and founder of the Zambian Economist which provides independent economic perspectives on Zambia's progress towards meaningful development for her people

Copyright: Zambian Economist, 2013

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Mining Watch (Mimbula)

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Konkola Copper Mines (KCM) recently confirmed that it is proceeding with plans to resume output at the Mimbula open pit mine as part of Vedanta's strategy to extend mine life at its operations. KCM has been carrying out feasibility studies since 2011 at Mimbula including extension of the power line to the site as well as pit de-watering and de-silting as mining has not taken place there since the 1970s. The feasibility has been completed and now it plans to invest US$200m.

The company is currently awaiting environmental approvals for the project. The production capacity of the mine had not yet been established but early indications suggest that it has huge deposits of copper. Subject to approval, mining of ore should start April 2014. The Mimbula open pit mine is expected to create a maximum of 600 jobs.

The outlook for copper production is looking very positive. Copper production is expected to exceed 1.5m tonnes in 2015 from the current 0.8m tonnes. Among new projects due to come online are the expansion of Lumwana Copper Mine, First Quantum's $2bn greenfield Trident project, China Nonferrous Mining Corporation's $832m copper project and the Lubambe mine jointly owned by Brazil's Vale, African Rainbow Minerals and state-owned ZCCM Investments Holdings.

Reforming the Unreformable, By Ngozi Okonjo Iweala (A Review)

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By Chola Mukanga

In 2003 Nigerian President Olusengun Obasanjo invited Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala to return to Nigeria from the World Bank and become the country’s Finance Minister. Her primary task was to sort out Nigeria’s economic mess which had been inherited from previous successive military regimes. The country was practically on its knees after years of rampant inequality, pervasive corruption and power struggles at the top. What was previously a diversified economy had increasingly become a mono economy perpetually dependent on a poorly run oil sector. Economic growth was excessively volatile, with spending largely tracking changes in oil prices. The Obasanjo administration was saddled with inefficient state-owned enterprises crippled by rising debts and pension liabilities. Political patronage was rife, with over 5,000 boards’ seats in state enterprises maintained purely for political expedience. Nigeria was virtually bankrupt.

Okonjo-Iweala’s Reforming the Unreformable is a narrative of how she assembled an economic team that sought to fix everything within a period of three years. As she puts it, "it is the story of development economics in action, drawn from the front lines of economic reform in Africa". Okonjo-Iweala penned the book principally as an attempt to offer lessons to policy makers grappling with how to bring about reforms in low income countries. She also believes that Nigeria’s reforming lessons during the Obasanjo years offer wider global lessons. The reforms demonstrate that great challenges present great opportunities to reposition the economy – which can be a springboard for steadier, more diversified long term growth. In that vein the book speaks directly to today’s global financial and political challenges in both the developed and developing world. Other countries can learn from how Nigeria went about reining in debt, manage volatility, build credibility with investors and become an economy that saved for the future. But it is also personal. Okonjo-Iweala seeks to go “on the record” and offer a defence of some of the controversial policies that were undertaken during that short period of time, and in passing acknowledge the courageous men and women who help restored Nigeria to a stable economic path. In doing so, she hopes to inspire the next generation of reformers, at home and abroad, infusing them with a passion for continuous democratization and reform.

The book extensively showcases some of the major reform successes. An early introduction of a fiscal rule helped reduced economic volatility by linking the national budget to the long term changes in oil prices. Budget planning reforms put in place a clear development programme that now guides Nigeria’s spending at national, state and local government levels. Privatisation and deregulation of key sectors helped ensure long term economic growth by allowing a greater role for the private sector which led to the inflow of foreign direct investment in key sectors e.g. telecommunications, banking. Tackling corruption and recovering money from abroad, were rewarded with a significant repatriation of funds from Switzerland which had been siphoned from Nigeria during the Sani Abacha administration. Above all, Okonjo-Iweala successfully secured debt forgiveness which helped Nigeria have a fresh start and enable it to build foreign reserves.

Perhaps the greatest strength of the book is how Okonjo-Iweala opens the lid on the complexity of undertaking reforms in Africa. Particularly, the challenges from the elite who benefit from existing mismanagement and have access to political power. She also shares insights on the challenges of introducing change where a culture of entitlement has taken hold, as was the case in her unsuccessful struggle to remove costly oil subsidies. Her openness on the areas where reforms could have been better executed also adds to the book’s credibility. 

However, these strengths must be balanced against the inevitable weaknesses.  Many of the successes mentioned in the book are not entirely due to the reform effort. Indeed, reading through the book it is often difficult to decipher which bits of changes were entirely due to her, and what can rightly be attributed to others. It is not as clear cut as people may expect. Similarly, the measures of success are  not always easy to judge. For example the privatization process and other structural reforms led to many companies being sold, but there is no sense of how sustainable those companies became after privatization or whether the process simply led to more unemployment. Separately, some readers may  sense that Ikonjo-Iweala’s narrative as an air of the “philosopher kings” feel about it, with no clear sense that the people may have at times known better. The reform approach seemed at times rather top down rather than bottom up.  She puts many of the challenges they faced down to lack of communication and politics, but it seems at the heart of the dislocation may have simply been competing visions of development. How should these differences between the top and the bottom be handled? This is not discussed.

However, these concerns do not distract from the general powerful contribution the book makes on the politics of economic reform. It is an insider’s account that is broadly objective and therefore makes it compulsory reading for those interested in reforming poor countries. More such books are needed by Africans. Throughout Ngozi Ikonjo-Iwela’s determination, intelligence and love for her country shines through. Here is a bold and intelligent African woman who took on the vested interests of her country, counted her losses and helped put the country on a sustainable path. It is a book that deserves wide reading. 

Chola Mukanga is an economist and founder of the Zambian Economist which provides independent economic perspectives on Zambia's progress towards meaningful development for her people

Copyright: Zambian Economist, 2013

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Transport Watch (Various)

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Recent transport related developments:

Item 1#  The terminal at Harry Mwaanga Nkumbula International Airport in Livingstone is cracking. The airport is also slowly sinking, according to National Airports Corporation. Transport Permanent Secretary Muyenga Atanga has assured the Parliamentary Committee that the terminal has "not deteriorated to life threatening levels"

Item 2# Negotiations have reached an advanced stage to relocate Simon Mwansa Kapwepwe International Airport from Ndola's Ndeke area to Chichele plantation. Kamfinsa MP Moses Chishimba has opposed the proposed tempering with Chichele Forest Reserve.

Item 3# Government will introduce a National Airline before the end of this year. Transport Minster Christopher Yaluma has appointed a cross government team of officials to spearhead the setting up of the national flag carrier. The team will submit a report to government on the issue next month.

Item 4# Ethiopian Airlines, the fastest growing airline in Africa, has announced further expansion of its service to the continent with new flights to Ndola. The new schedule of three flights per week will begin on March 31st, 2013. Ndola will be Ethiopian’s 45th African and the 72nd international destination. It will also be its second destination in Zambia next to Lusaka.

(Sources : ZNBC, Various)

Item 2# is interesting. But even better is that we should privatise these airports. We need to liberalise this sector. NACL is corrupt, mismanaged and broke . The best thing is to move towards full liberalisation with private sector able to bid and own these airports. We have many promises of turning Zambia into a regional passenger and cargo hub! My view is that NACL are not well placed to take forward this vision. We need to break up ownership of these airports and allow them to compete. Separate ownership will provide better incentive for improvement in service and so forth.

Item 3# is not a priority in a country where 2 in 3 people can barely afford a meal - and many of our children roam the streets totally robed of their future. Why should our poor taxpayers fund airlines they will never use? Poor priorities are killing our people. We mourn about people dying in road accidents. When are we going to start mourning for those killed through hunger and poor decision making? We are a nation of infinite contradictions.

Zambia Government Ministers List

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The full list of ministers in the current PF administration.

President – Mr. Michael Sata
Vice President – Dr. Guy Scott.

President – Mr. Michael Sata
Vice President – Dr. Guy Scott

Cabinet Ministers (20)

Minister of Agriculture and Livestock – Mr. Robert Sichinga
Minister of Chiefs and Traditional Affairs- Professor Nkandu Luo
Minister of Commerce, Trade and Industry – Mr. Emmanuel Chenda
Minister of Community Development, Mother and Child Health – Dr. Katema
Minister of Defence – Mr. Geoffery Mwamba
Minister of Education, Science, Vocational and Early Education – Dr. John Phiri
Minister of Finance – Mr. Alexander Bwalya Chikwanda
Minister of Foreign Affairs – Dr. Lungu
Minister of Gender and Child Development – Mrs. Inonge Wina
Minister of Health – Dr. Kasonde
Minister of Home Affairs and Deputy Chief Whip Mr. E.C. Lungu
Minister of Information and Broadcasting – Mr. Sakeni
Minister of Justice – Mr. Winter Kabimba
Minister of Labour and Social Security – Mr. Fackson Shamenda
Minister of Lands, Natural Resources and Environment – Mr. Wilbur Simuusa
Minister of Local Government and Housing – Mrs Emmerine Kabanshi
Minister of Mines, Energy and Water and Chief Whip Mr. Yamfwa Mukanga
Minister of Tourism and Arts – Sylvia Masebo
Minister of Transport, Works, Supply and Communication – Mr. Yaluma
Minister of Youth and Sport – Mr. Chishimba Kambwili
Attorney-General: Mumba Malila

Deputy Minister (37)

Deputy Minister in the Vice President’s Office – Mr. Harry Kalaba
Deputy Minister in the Vice President’s Office – Mr. Mwango
Deputy Minister of Agriculture and Livestock – Mr. Greyford Monde
Deputy Minister of Agriculture and Livestock – Mr. Mwewa
Deputy Minister of Agriculture and Livestock – Mr. Lackson Kazabu
Deputy Minister of Chiefs Affairs – Mrs Kawandami
Deputy Minister of Commerce, Trade and Industry – Mr. Richard Taima
Deputy Minister of Commerce, Trade and Industry – Mr. Keith Mukata
Deputy Minister of Community Development, Mother & Child Health – Ms. Kazunga
Deputy Minister of Community Development, Mother & Child Health – Ms. Jean Kapata
Deputy Minister of Defence – Mr. Mwila
Deputy Minister of Defence – Col. J. Lungu
Deputy Minister of Education, Science, Vocational and Education – Professor Willombe
Deputy Minister of Education, Science, Vocational and Education – Mr. Mabumba
Deputy Minister of Foreign Affairs – Vacant (till next week)
Deputy Minister of Gender and Child Development – Mrs Banda
Deputy Minister of Finance – Mr. Miles Sampa
Deputy Minister of Health – Dr. Chikusu
Deputy Minister of Health – Mr. C. Mulenga
Deputy Minister of Home Affairs – Mrs Mwamba
Deputy Minister of Home Affairs – Mr. Kampyongo
Deputy Minister of Home Affairs – Mr. Chilangwa
Deputy Minister of Information and Broadcasting – Mr. Kapeya
Deputy Minister of Justice – Dr. Simbyakula
Deputy Minister of Labour and Social Security – Mr. Mbulu
Deputy Minister of Labour and Social Security – Mr. Chitotela
Deputy Minister of Lands, Natural Resources and Environmental – Mr. Chingimbu
Deputy Minister of Local Government and Housing – Mr. Tembo
Deputy Minister of Local Government and Housing – Mr. Kufuna
Deputy Minister of Local Government and Housing – Mr. N. Banda
Deputy Minister of Mines, Energy and Water Development – Mr. Musukwa
Deputy Minister of Mines, Energy and Water Development - Mr. C.S. Zulu
Deputy Minister of Tourism and Arts – Mr. D. Phiri
Deputy Minister of Tourism and Arts – Mr. P. Ngoma
Deputy Minister of Transport, Works, Supply and Communication – Dr. Mwali
Deputy Minister of Transport, Works, Supply and Communication – Col. Kaunda
Deputy Minister of Transport, Works, Supply and Communication –Mr. Mwimba H. Malama
Deputy Minister of Youth and Sport – Mr. Masumba

Deputy Ministers for Provinces (10)

Central Province – Kosamu
Copperbelt Province – Mr. Mwenya
Eastern Province – Mr. Sichone
Luapula Province – Brigadier General Kapaya
Lusaka Province – Mr. Sikazwe
Muchinga Province – Mr. C. Banda
Northern Province – Col Chanda
North-Western Province – Mr. Mubukwanu
Southern Province – Ms. Limata
Western Province – Mr. Mwaliteta

(Sources : ZE Facebook Page, Zambian Watchdog)

If you have email addresses of ministers - can you leave them below? We would like to compile a live email list of ministers so that the public can easily reach them.

A Problem of Immunity, 2nd Edition

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Justice Minister Wynter Kabimba says Government will now seek to lift the 4th President's immunity to facilitate prosecution :
"You cannot be prosecuted unless your immunity is lifted by Parliament; that is what the law says. You can even be charged, what you cannot do is prosecute. To be charged is not the same as to be prosecuted. The Constitution says you shall not be prosecuted; it does not say you shall not be charged for any civil or criminal wrong that you did during the time when you were head of state...The ACC was saying to Mr Banda, 'come here because according to our investigations, there are issues we would like to clarify with you...Now you cannot claim immunity against that...Now that he has been given an opportunity to go to the ACC for him to go and answer questions and without submitting to the ACC, he has pleaded immunity, we have no choice now but to take the matter to Parliament so that his immunity against prosecution can be lifted, so this is not an academic exercise."
(Source : The Post)

It should be clarified that though presidential immunity relates to solely to "legal proceedings", it is more or less equivalent to immunity from criminal investigations as well because some of the criminal evidence can only be obtained by search warrants or record warn and caution statements from the presidential suspect. This is certainly the way investigating agencies currently understand the provisions. So either the Justice Minister does not understand the law or he is playing political football with an assumed ignorant public.

The more important point is that it is now time to reform presidential immunity. As we concluded last year. The best way forward is to allow the President to enjoy criminal immunity during the presidency but ensure but this immunity expires automatically upon leaving office. This concedes the argument for him to get on with the job unimpeded and free from countless criminal lawsuits. But in doing so we should be clear that what would be happening is “suspending prosecutions” rather than introduction of criminal immunity. The public needs to understand that no one is above the law. It is vital that criminal prosecutions can be brought at immediately when he/she leaves for crimes committed against the State.

It is time to end this madness - the timing is right because the constitution is under review. The only puzzle is why no one appears willing to change the law!

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